The Jihad broke and scattered them in many directions, the main body retreating south and west by stages, until they reached the vicinity of Demsa Mosu. Here, according to oral tradition, the group split into two following an intrigue by the younger twin, Zaro Dembune against his elder twin brother Zaro Kpalame, who occupied the throne. The group which seceded under Zaro Dembune crossed the Benue River at Nzomwadiksa and established the Bachama Chiefdom (Dalli, A.L. 1988:9, 66-72). The word Bachama was never meant for a tribe. The seceding twin used it as an expression to refer to the manner in which he intended to establish a kingdom and build a followership to counteract the forces of hostile ethnic groups in the vicinity. The expression “Bachama” became synonymous with the settlement, which became the headquarters of the Chief. The Fulani referred to this settlement ‘Lamorde’, meaning capital or seat of the ruler (Carnochan, 1967; a: 622).5 The Sokoto Origin of Batta and Bachama People The tradition of origin linking the Batta and Bachama to Sokoto or Gobir has generated lots of controversy in the literature.6 But by way of explanation, one could add here that the royal families of Demsa and Bachama hold this tradition together with some non-royal clans that accompanied the chieftaincy at the period of the secession. The tradition does not impose itself on all the Batta and Bachama people, nor does it claim that the Batta and Bachama people are homogenous. Most non-royal clans have divergent traditions of origin and how they became associated with the chieftaincy. At any rate, Kabe (non-royal clans) are the custodians of Bachama sacred tradition, as well as of rituals and the chieftaincy. Zomye (royal clans) are eligible to the office of the chief. A Bachama chief takes charge, upon appointment, of the economic exploitation of the natural environment. The political history of the Bachama chiefdom lends credence to the conquest theory of state in which an invading group with the chieftaincy assimilated an autochthonous group with the local environmental knowledge. As time went on, the leaders of the Bachama migrations we deified but their priests were drawn from the autochthonous group.
The Bachama Traditional, Political and Administrative System
Moreover, the chief (homun) presides over the cults and gifts to the gods must emanate from him. A number of stages in the installation of Bachama chiefs are discussed here to emphasize that a chief should be duly elected before assuming office. Furthermore, the discussion of the traditional political administrative system centers on the interaction of four major agents of political control that I consider important and which relate to the topic of this write-up. These four agents of political control in Bachama society are Zomye (royal clans), Kabe (non-royal clans), Homun (King), and the administrative council of elders in Lamurde and the outlying villages.
(I). Zomye (Royal Clans)
There are six Zomye clans: Kowo, Magbullaron, Nomupo, Nokodomun, Waduku and Impang. All claim descent from Zaro Dembune, also known as Matiyavune; Founder of the hut and first King of Bachama, the settlement that was restyled Lamurde. In theory, all adult males from any of these royal clans are eligible for appointments to the office of the King where there is a vacancy; but in practice, only wealthy candidates from these clans can vie with one another for that office. Traditionally, wealthy people in Bachama society were those with many wives and children, granaries of sorghum and several heads of livestock. In the traditional economy, wealth was concentrated in the hands of Bachama elders. They monopolized the chieftaincy and operated a gerontocracy.
This monopoly was only broken when the Bachama economy became monetized following the advent of colonial rule. Young men from these royal clans vied for the chieftaincy with success. In 1921, for example, Mbi (Gorosobwe), who was known to be vying for the chieftaincy, despite the fact that there was an incumbent chief on the throne, escaped to the missionaries in Numan so that Kpafrato could not deal with him. However, when Kpafrato was deposed by the colonial government, Mbi was ‘elected’ Chief of Bachama through popular vote defeating the favourite candidate Mbuldi. The latter was well known to the colonial administration and was thought to be the likely choice of the Bachama. Mbi was a school teacher in Numan and was the first Christian Chief of the Bachama.
At any rate prospective candidates buy the chieftaincy, this is known as do homne (buying the chieftaincy). They offer gifts secretly and on the continual basis to the non-royal clans (Kabe) in Lamurde as well as to Jeke in Hadiyo. Unsuccessful candidates can demand the return of their gifts, although most of them do not because their children or other close agnates might be interested in vying for the office of the chief in another generation.
Rivalries for the office of the chief, following the death of an incumbent, have in the past led to bloodshed between some of the royal clans. In the pre-colonial period, political conflicts among the Bachama were resolved through military might. Even when the new chief has assumed office, candidates suspected to be vying for the office of the incumbent chief were banished for life from Bachamaland.
(ii). Kabe (Non-Royal Clans)
Kabe are the custodians of the chieftaincy institution, religious rituals and sacred history of the Bachama people: They have the following ritual objects in their custody: Mosuto (Sacred rain pot), Kofyi wato (sacred spears), lyeni wato (elephant tusk horns), jindo wato (royal horse’s tail) and Ramo Ngbakowon (The golden stool). Thus Kabe are the de facto as well as de jure natural museums of Bachama cultural objects. Furthermore, Kabe are the traditional occupants of Lamurde, the Bachama capital; Zomye live elsewhere throughout Bachamaland and only move to the capital during the tenure in office of their clan. They vacate the capital when their chief is no longer in office.
Zomye and Kabe titled elders hold important offices in the chief’s administration, both at the headquarters and in the outlying villages. The kingmakers’ patriclan Jeke (s. Zeke) live in Hadiyo, about 2.2km southeast of Lamurde. They form a patriclan village and receive recommendations on each candidate vying for the office of Hama Bachama from Kabe elders in Lamurde, and have the final say in the selection procedure. Similarly, when a chief is deceased (ha ya), Jeke perform important function in his burial (Dalli, A.L 1988:113). Bachama Kings are buried in ndoko hidon (the lone hut) in Lamurde, elderly Zomye are buried in Venti beyin; titled Zomye are buried in ndoko zomon while kabe elders are buried by fellow kabe in the compounds.
(iii). Homun (Chief)
When there is vacancy, Kabe select a new chief from one of the six royal clans (Zomye). Theoretically this should be in rotation so that each clan could take turns in providing chiefs. In practice, a few clans have monopolized the chieftaincy at the expense of others. There are a number of stages in the installation ceremony through which the chief elect must pass to be considered duly elected before he takes possession of the palace (voti). It is generally held that if any of these stages is missed out, the gods would be angry and the chief might die.
(a). Fara Borongti is the first stage in the installation ceremony. Jeke tie the waist of the chief-elect with a grass rope (sunga shafa) and lead him into the shrine of Fara Borongti in Lamurde. Inside the shrine the chief-elect attempts several times to sit on a sacred stone but is restrained on each occasion by the priest in charge until he eventually succeeds.
(b). Ndoko Peken (“room of the broom”) Jeke arrive within the vicinity of the shrine of Ndoko Peken still holding the chief-elect by the rope tied to his waist. Here they are met by the priest, Homo Peke. He stops them and presents a white strip of cloth in place of the grass rope. Jeke untie the rope and give it to Homo Peke and the latter ties it on a stone.
(c). Ndoko Gbidan (“the open space of the spirits”)
At this stage, Jeke and the chief-elect meet three important kabe titleholders; Nzopwato, Ndyewodyi Gongrong and Nzofame. The leader of the Jeke, known as Zeke, hands over the chief-elect to Nzopwato and goes back to Hadiyo, his village. If there is no ill-feeling against the chief-elect from Jeke. But, should there be feelings of ill-will against the chief –elect or his patriclan, then Nzopwato is compensated at this or else the remaining stages are suspended.
At Ndoko Gbidan, Ndyewodyi Gongrong presents the chief-elect with the official walking stick (staff), (Garatoa Matiyavune) and Nzofame gives him the traditional shield of Matiyavune (Kurmoto) as well as the spears of Matiyavune (Kofe da Matiyavune).
(d). Kwashafe is an open meeting ground, where the chief-elect attempts to take some soil but is dissuaded by Nzopwato. After several attempts he succeeds and takes the soil. It is customary among the Bachama to take fresh soil from the shrine of the gods and sprinkle it on both shoulders as a symbol of submission. The chief-elect, in taking the soil, submits himself to the will of the gods.
(e). Hakabong: The first day of the installation ceremony ends here at Hakabong. Nzopwato hands over the chief-elect to Ndyewodyi Kowo and the strip of cloth is also removed from his waist, he puts on garments and sits on mats arranged in a shelter (kwakra). The chief-elect receive visitors and a cow is slaughtered to provide meat for the people. He sleeps that night at Hakabong.
SECOND DAY OF THE INSTALLATION
The chief-elect sits on the mat facing the East, and Jeke arrive from Hadiyo. They line-up facing him. The eldest of the Jeke moves forward and lifts the chief-elect and points to the East and West announcing the boundaries of his jurisdiction with the words, all that is your land as from today. Zeke returns on the long line of Jeke. They turn to the East and begin to clap their hands in a gentle manner, as one of them recites their sacred speech which is inaudible to other listeners. The recitation lasts for over one hour and marks the end of the formal installation which the public may witness. Jeke are later served the meat of the slaughtered cow.
(f). Gongrong
At about three o’clock in the afternoon, a horse is brought on which the chief-elect rides towards the stream known as Gongrong for a royal bath. On the way he is stopped at Madon (a ward in Lamurde) and asked his chieftaincy names. He is expected to give two names; for example, the present Hama Bachama gave the names Goro Ngakye (a pool of hooks) and Kuzo-Vudeto (mat of the courtyard). Having identified himself, Ndyewodyi Gongrong and Kpa Duwe escort the chief-elect to Farang where he is bathed by the former. Unauthorized spectators are barred from accompanying the chief-elect.
(g). Yedikwaton (bitter stomach)
The chief-elect is brought back to Lamurde (the golden stool) is kept. But before going into the shrine, he is again asked his chieftaincy names after which he dismounts the horse and Ndyewodyi Gongrong leads it away.
Ndyewodyi Ngbakowon takes the chief-elect on foot into the shrine where he is questioned on a number of issues. He later gives a ram to be sacrificed to the shrine. At Ngbakawon, a curios rite is performed. A monitor lizard (bwalato) is brought with its forelegs tied behind its back, the same way prisoners are tied. People then jokingly address the lizard saying, yes you were not all that you should have been; in bygone days you even ran after the chief’s wife. The lizard is then taken to the royal graveyard and released. The explanation advanced for this ritual is that the new chief must not use his power to crush old enemies; therefore all past grudges must be laid aside. In former times, the chief-elect sometimes remain at the shrine for fifteen days to complete the rite de passage required for his new office. As recorded my Meek, C.K. (1931b3) the monitor lizard must be obtained for this ritual, or it is considered the chieftaincy is not ripe.
When the period of seclusion is over, the chief takes possession of his Palace (Voti) by stepping over the carcass of a slaughtered cow at the entrance. Two explanations are given for this action: First, that the chief left behind all conduct which might be inconsistent with his new office; second, that the slain cow has secured the palace from invasion by the spirit of the former chief. After this ritual, a crown known as Palwalato is placed on his head.
This consists of strips of brass worn round a red fez, with a band of white cloth surrounding the forehead. A few ostrich plumes protrude on the sides. The crown is worn on public occasions such as festivals and some religious rituals, which require the presence of Hama Bachama. Bachama chiefs are never turbaned.
The rituals surrounding the installation ceremony of a Bachama king have symbolic significance. First, the chief-elect is publicly humiliated and is tied with a grass rope at the waist like a prisoner, and led away without a garment. This is meant to break down his pride because Bachama chiefs are captured and given the mandate to rule their subjects.
Second, he is presented the official walking stick (staff), the shield and spears of Matiyavune, the first Bachama King at Lamurde. These symbolize continuity; the walking stick is brought out during ceremonies while the shield and spears signify license to militarily defend the territorial boundaries of Bachamaland. Furthermore, the chief-elect sprinkles sand three times on his shoulders in submission to the will of the gods; he takes chieftaincy names, and is given a royal bath, after which he licks a scratched spot to ‘cool’ his heart. Here we have the rebirth of a new personality. Then the chief-elect is secluded inside the shrine of Ramo Ngbakowon, which contains the golden stool; the soul of the Bachama people. From here he emerges to take possession of the Palace. All these stages depict separation, transformation and incorporation as discussed by Arnold Van Gene Rites de passage.
(iv). The Chief’s Administrative Council in Lamurde
Officials who serve on the chief’s administrative council are from both the royal and the non-royal clans. They are appointed by the reigning chief and can be dismissed from office for wrongdoing or when another clan comes to power. The latter applies mostly to Zomye titled elders. Generally, offices connected with rituals and festivals are entrusted to Kabe, the custodians and servants to the chieftaincy. Let us first consider the chief’s administration at the outlying fiefs and villages.
(a). Offices held by Zomye
(i) Kpa Fwaye (The master of Fwaye): Fwaye are iron ornaments used in the arrest of criminals. This official performs general police duties including the investigation of incidents in the bush. Bush fires destroy harvested crops, which are left on the farms to dry. Unauthorized bush burning constitutes a serious offence punishable by heavy fines. Furthermore, during communal hunting, kpa fwaye assisted by other officials (see later) collect a few carcasses of animals as tribute and forward some of these to the palace. Kpa fwaye is regarded as the leader of all titled zomye, and upon his death, he is buried at Ndoko Zomon, the official burial hut of all titled zomye.
(ii). Ngurgoma (‘take it from him’); he collects tribute of cattle (jangali) from pastoral Fulani who graze within Bachama territory on behalf of the chief.
(iii). Ndwamatu-Ha-da-Nduron (Peer at the place called Nduron): He is the commander of the chief’s armed forces which consisted of a cavalry (ji-duwe) and an infantry (Ji-mbwara). The Bachama had neither a standing army nor a warrior class, both were not considered necessary since all able-bodied males were required to bear arms and participate in warfare. Special war drums (s. hubo duwe) are issued to village heads and fief holders by the chief upon appointment. War messages were transmitted on these drums in the past. This title holder, in the past, bore a sacred spear (kufe) and led the troops into battle.
(iv). Kpanate (master of the meat): He collects tribute from fishermen using the backswamp lakes, especially Goro Mbemun, Goro Bajen (Mbemun Zomon), Goro Tingno, Illapi, Wam, Gburuwa, Goro Bemti, Go Kutang (Tallemunagi), etc. during official fishing days set aside for the chief’s palace (kodo-home).
(v). Kpa Pudo (master of the big field): Is another investigator of fire incidences in those areas of the bush not covered by kpa fwaye.
(vi). Ndwamatu-Ha-da-Fwaye is the personal assistant of Kpa fwaye.
(vii). Kpanate-A-Sukore (the old Kpanate): this is an office reserved for former Kpanate who is considered too old for efficient performance of his duties. He represents the current holder in festivals and other official gatherings when the chief is expected to be in attendance.
Offices Held by Kabe (Non-Royal Clans)
(i) Nzopwato: his eponymous ancestor was met at Lamurde by the first wave of Bachama migration under Zaro embune, the twin brother who seceded and founded the Bachama chiefdom. Nzopwato receives muna-kpalto (returning the prophecy) from Jeke after the latter have returned from carrying ture (offering0 to the shrine of Nzeanzo at Fare. This prophecy (muna kpalto) relates to the condition of the world; for example, if famine, locust invasion, or any calamity, will befall the people, Nzeanzo will reveal this to Mbamto, the medium of the shrine. The medium informs Jeke who are the official messengers of the chief to the shrine at Fare. Messages received by Nzopwato from jeke are delivered to the chief during Buradou, the festival for the preparation for war. Nzopwato appoints Zeke to office as leader of the Jeke patriclan when the holder of the office dies.
(ii). Nzo-Kufe (Spear bearer); is the keeper of the original spear brought to Lamurde by Matiyavune. Nzo-kufe brings out the spear during important festivals, or formerly during time of war, when he handed it to the army commander.
(iii). Ndyewodi Tikka (the son from the House of Tikka); he breaks reeds-a method he uses for keeping the calendar of the annual festivals cycle. He carries ture (offerings) to Boso before important festivals take place. For this latter duty, he is assisted by Gura and Kpa Gure (below).
(iv). Nzofame (‘son of rain’): Fame is the Bwatiye name for “bole” (rain). This official is in charge of the sacred rain pot (mosuto). When there is a drought, he directs that black gowns be worn by all titled elders in Lamurde. Should there be abundance of rain; the same elders are directed to wear white gowns. The colours black and white symbolize the rain bearing clouds and non bearing clouds respectively. Whenever the chief leaves his Palace, Nzofame and Ndyewodyi Gongrong precede him to clear debris from his path.
(v). Ndyewodyi Gongron (‘the son of the house of Gongron’): He provided fresh fodder for the horses of the chief and plays an important role in the giving chief-elect a royal bath and administering oath at Yedi-kwatun during the installation ceremony.
(vi). Ndyewodyi Gosobon. Is the official in charge of the domestic affairs of the Palace and acts as the chief’s personal attendant. He sees to the comfort of guests at the Palace and supervises the burial of a chief at Ndoko-Hidon (the lone hut). He is assisted by three officials in his palace duties: (a). Dumkpa (‘bring out the calabash’); the chief waiter (b). Nzo-Dukshe (‘keeper of things’), the stores officer. He is in charge of provisions and items required for the installation of titleholders. (c). Nzo-Kuzoto (‘son of mat’), is the accomodation’s officer and provides lodgings for official visitors. In the past, Ndyewodyi Gosobon was the chief executioner of condemned criminals. Such people were led away to Tukoti (‘the place of darkness’), which is situated in the foothills of Bachama. For this particular duty, he was assisted by Nzo-hubo (‘son of a gourd’) whose praise chant (gboto) was said very early in the morning of the execution in front of the palace.
(vii). Nzomoto (‘close friend’). Is the head of Blacksmith clan in Lamurde and provides food and lodgings for those who come to seek political office from the chief. As indicated earlier, potential candidates for political offices buy their offices even though offices are hereditary. This is an aspect of achievement, for it brings about competition among members of the same patriclan. Such gifts for offices are offered to the chief, kabe and Jeke although the chief has the final say.
(viii). Gura: This official is in charge of important burials and is appointed to office by Nyewodyi Tika. Gura also carries ture (offering) to Bolki for important rituals as Mbwalto (okra) held in Lamurde. He is also held Lamurde. He is also responsible for the performance of the funeral duties. He is assisted by a female titleholder – Gurato, as well as a grave digger known as Kpa-Gure.
(ix). Kpa Duwe (‘master of the horse’). He assists Nyewodyi Gongrong providing fresh fodder for the chief’s horses. Kpa Dwe is in charge of the royal musicians and is the leader of the Bachama dancing troupe, Ji-wuro Kaduwe. The latter compose songs that sanction the behaviour of people they disapprove of, including the chief.
(x). Nzo-puke (‘son of the outer places’) provides lodgings for foreigners who come to Lamurde on official duties.
(xi). Nyewodyi Ngbakowon. He is in charge of the shrine of Ngbakowon where the Bachama golden stool is kept. In this shrine, the chief-elect remain for some days in seclusion from where he emerges to take possession of the Palace.
(xii). Kpa-Ngwaye (‘master of the waists’). He carries messages/directives of the chief to Kpana Rigangun (see below).
(xiii). Nwamato-A-Voti: He is the chief’s weapon carrier.
(xiv). Nzo-Nyiso Duwe (‘son of the horse’s tail). He holds the tail of the chief’s horse to prevent the animal flicking dust on the chief’s clothes.
(xv). Nyewodyi-Na-Zukati: This official is in charge of the Bwarambitikun, the deified wife of Zaro Dembune, the first Bachama King.
(xvi). Kpa-Mbwara (‘master of legs’). He is a general messenger, reputed to be tireless; hence someone who travels a lot is referred to as Kpa-mbwara.
Village Heads also collect tribute and adjudicate cases between wards (kwahe) within villages or between clans. Some of the cases include matrimonial disputes such as divorce or accusations of adultery. Cases from villages are either reported to fiefholders or direct to the chief. In the past, village heads made prompt reports on crop failure to the chief so as to be exempted from payments of tribute.
Another category of village heads come from priests of the major shrines located at Fare, Bolki. Byemti Gemuhn, Bolon and Nofarang. These priests also adjudicate cases and dispense justice and are an important court of appeal where the chief could refer unresolved cases to the gods. At the shrine, in the pre-colonial and early phase of the colonial administration, the accused and the accuser were subjected to a form of trial by ordeal to resolve accusations of theft, murder or witchcraft. The method used is called Zum-pulla (‘eating the spirit’). The guilty person was sent back to the chief’s court to be sentenced. Trial by ordeal was banned in the colonial period, but the gods are still expected to settle cases on behalf of the priests. Moreover, since farming is the main occupation of the Bachama, fertility of the soil is of prime importance in their minds, and because soil fertility depends on the correct performance of the priestly duties, this group of people wields lots of influence. Disobedience to the priests is believed to incur the wrath of the gods, which is discernable in the form of natural calamities including famine, locust invasion, outbreak of measles and smallpox, etc. Priests receive gifts of livestock, grain, cloth, etc. from people who seek their help. Traditionally, major shrines were sanctuaries where murderers could escape and nobody dared follow them. Such people were required to make offerings to the shrine annually. Wealth so accumulated would be distributed to relatives, friends and well wishers. In this way, the priests secure the goodwill of members of the society and increase their prestige as well. For further discussion on related aspects of the Bachama chieftaincy institution, see Stevens P. Jr. (1973:102-3; Dalli A.L. 1976:114-5).
CHIEFTAINCY AND LAND TENURE
Traditionally, land was neither bought nor sold in Bachama since land shortage was never heard of. The land of Bachama is entrusted to the chief at his installation ceremony, and he holds it on behalf of the dead, the living, and for the generations yet unborn. In other words, the Hama Bachama is a trustee; the land does not belong to him, therefore he cannot sell it. Villages have bush land (kikeh) and farmlands (gashe). The former was quite extensive and part of it was set aside for communal hunting. Farms are located within the boundaries of this (kikeh) and each villager in need of farmland would consult the village head. But when the people leave the village, their claims to farmland lapse, and ownership reverts to the village. The lakes of the back swamp are under the control of the chief and he alone appoints the middlemen in charge of fishing in lakes. The middlemen ensure that some of the days are set aside for fishing for the chief (kodo home); this means that the best catch from every participant would be voluntarily surrendered upon demand as tribute (shemto).
As indicated earlier, wards (kwahe) are inhabited by sectional patriclans; elders from these clans are familiar with the boundaries of land occupied by their fellow clansmen and those wishing to build are allocated portions. But if they fancy an area outside the control of their patriclans, permission to build must be obtained from the village head.
Village heads, as earlier indicated are appointed by the chief. They collect tribute on his behalf. This is one of the major way by which chieftaincy exerts control over land tenure. Communal hunting and fishing are organized with permission from the chief’s lieutenants. Land outside village boundaries come under direct control of the chief, nobody farms on these lands without prior permission form the chief. Middlemen may be allocated these lands for exploitation; they are not necessarily titled officers of the chief’s administration. They ensure that at least 505 of the tribute reaches the palace. As long as tribute continues to be paid, and the middlemen are not reported to be oppressive, they retain their positions for years. But they could be dismissed without warning by the chief, as potential candidates continuously report unfavourably their misdemeanor.
Finally, ward expansion in Lamurde is a recent phenomenon, perhaps dating back to the colonial period. Formerly, as one Zomye clan came to power, the clan of the previous chief would vacate the capital and take refuge in the villages far away from the headquarters so as to escape any possibility of reprisal from the clan in power. In the pre-colonial days, members belonging to members of the previous clan in power as punitive measures. With the end of hostilities following colonial rule, chiefs started carving out tracts of land at the periphery of the capital, where members of their clan could reside when their tenure in office was over.
Land sales are illegal by Bachama tradition; nevertheless, sales of land are common and occur in villages where land has a market value. However, to give legality to the transaction, both buyer and seller approach the village head to act as witness to the deal. For further discussion on Bachama land tenure see Meek, C.K 1932b, Dalli, A.L. 1976:126, and Karsfelt, N. 1981:29-30.
SUMMARY
The chief, at the conception level, recreated the installation ceremony, holds the society together and this is why that emphasis that he should be duly elected and installed. The chief settles disputes and is the highest human court of appeal I the past, he alone had the final say in matters of life and death.
The ritual calendar (Guda su kwale) is kept by the titleholder, Ndyewodyi Tikka at Lamurde. Performances of the first fruit ceremonies and other rituals depend on the accuracy in the keeping of this calendar. Ndyewodyi Tikka informs the chief when a ritual is due so that offerings are promptly sent to the shrine of the appropriate god. These gods are supposed to protect the chief and his subjects in matters of health and bountiful harvests. Offerings to the gods come from tribute collected by the chief’s subjects.
Looked at from another angle, the installation ceremony of a Bachama chief can be seen as a cognitive sacred sites relating to the history of the foundation of the Bachama polity are visited. The chief-elect is publicly authorized to rule Bachamaland and to collect tribute for the running of his administration. The public is there to witness this transfer of power and authority. In this sense the chieftaincy, religion, economy and ecology are all interlinked.11
CHRONOLOGY OF BACHAMA KINGSHIP
BITIPARAMO, ZARO DEMBUNE, MATIYAVUNE – 1704
He broke off from his twin brother, Zaro Kpalame at Demsa Mosu following dispute over succession to their father’s throne. He carted away all relevant royal paraphernalia and sacred ornaments and migrated with his followers and founded the Bachama kingdom with his first headquarters at Tingno. At Tingno, he married a second wife, before moving to make Bachama (Lamurde) his new headquarters.
At Bachama, Zaro Dembune, Bititparamo met Nzopwato with the first wave migration. For fear of elimination, Nzopwato climbed a tree and introduced himself as the man from above. Zaro Dembune also known as Matiyavune settled in Bachama (Lamurde) and bore four children namely; Nomupo, Nokodomun, Kowo, Magbullaron. The children of Matiyavune were trees he planted and flower that sprout on them.
MWAMO GWAMPA NZOKWAKLIKI – IMPANG CLAN
Before now, Zaro Dembune had adopted a son, whom he named Mwamo Gwampa, a lost boy found grazing with a herd of elephants during an elephant hunt south of Gyawana. When butchering their kill, the hunters noticed some movement under the elephant and were about to throw spears when they heard the cry of a boy. He was rescued and brought to the king who adopted him, and the spot where he was rescued became the ancestral home of his descendants; Dubo-wangun (“the mark of an elephant”).
At the time of the death of Zaro Dembune, Matiyavune’s children were not old enough to be given the throne. He therefore persuaded Bwarambitikum, that in the event of his death, the throne should be given to his adopted son, Mwamo Gwampa since none of his biological children was ripe for kingship. Consequently with his death, Bwarambitikum made a local brew and served the kingmakers with the objective of dulling their reasoning. On their enquiry, she named the brew sai vor kaba or vwe (beer). And under the influence of beer persuaded the kingmakers and contrived the selection of Mwamo Gwampa Nzokwakliki as the king that started the Impang clan.
Unfortunately, he could not make it to the palace as he was assassinated by the kabe at Tingn in Lamurde when he wanted to take another wife before entering the palace.
SUNGANOKADA – WADUKU CLAN
With the assassination of Mwamo Gwampa, the crisis of succession still persisted as none of Zaro Dembune’s children was old enough to mount the throne. The Kingmakers therefore opted to pick a regent from Kwagore “lakeside” at Gon.
On their way to Gon, Sunganokada overheard them discussing their mission. He quickly overtook them, rushed to the lakeside, feigning stomach upset asking Nzo-gon-to (“the man at Gon”) to find him some bitters (Duggune). Having sympathy for his friend, Nzo-Gon-to innocently went into the bush to get the bitters to cure his friend. Meanwhile, as the kingmakers approached, Sunganokada stretched himself on the man’s mat and the Kingmakers grabbed him, confusing him for the real man, and declared him king.
On arriving Bachama and taking possession of the palace, Sunganokada instructed his children that under no circumstance should they report his death to the Kingmakers, since they are not Zaro Dembune’s children; they stand the risk of losing the throne for good. They therefore contrived an arrangement that ensured seven different successions of the Waduku clan.
NZONZO – WADUKU CLAN
Not appointed by kingmakers. Usurped the throne through self-succession.
NZOZUMSHI TINGNO – WADUKU CLAN
Not appointed by the kingmakers. Usurped the throne through self-succession.
NAKARZO – WADUKU CLAN
Not appointed by the kingmakers. Usurped the throne through self-succession.
NGORON – WADUKU CLAN Not appointed by the kingmakers. Usurped the throne through self-succession.
TUMBADI – WADUKU CLAN
NZOBALMATO – WADUKU
Nzobalmato is the 7th Waduku King that was not appointed by the Kingmakers and who like his brothers usurped the throne through self-succession. Nzobalmato was lured to Rigangun for a festival where the children of Zaro Dembune, Matiyavune have relocated. It was at Rigangun that Nzobalmato was overpowered and assassinated at Guleyi Gbomun to now pave way for the biological children of Zaro Dembune Matiyavune to have their taste of their heritage. Following the assassination of Nzobalmato, the children of Sunganokada became persona-non grata in Bachama land. They therefore moved out of Bachama speaking areas of the kingdom and settled south of Tingno in a place today called Waduku.
PRE-COLONIAL PERIOD AND CONTACT WITH EUROPEANS
Trade brought Europeans into contact with the Bachama and other ethnic groups along the Gongola and Benue rivers. In 1879, the German traveler, Flegel went up the Benue river and stopped at several Bachama and Mbula villages. The National African Company, which was later renamed Royal Niger Company in 1886, had been active in the Bachama area since 1883. In 1885 Adamawa became a scene of rivalry between England, France and Germany. It was partitioned by treaties between England and Germany in 1893, and between France and Germany in 1894. England acquired the portion that falls within Nigeria. In 1885, the Bachama King, Mangawa had concluded a treaty with the National African Company.12
In 1889, the British Government sent out a Commission led by Major Claude Macdonald and Captain A. F. Mockler-Ferryman to visit Royal Niger stations on the Niger and Benue Rivers. Macdonald’s report indicated that the then Bachama chief was a very old man. The main interest of the Royal Niger Company was to maintain friendly relations particularly with important tribes and chiefs through the payments of annual subsidies. These ranged, for example from sixty pounds (60) in Muri to thirty shillings to Mangawa, chief of Bachama. The payments were intended to keep the trade routes open by any means feasible and to prevent slave raiding. Subsequently, Numan became an important wooding station. Following a request for a factory by the Bachama, the Nigretia, one of the two new steel hulks which had been specially built for taking the ground in the dry season was allocated to the Bachama area in 1889. The other was sent upstream to Garua (Goruwe). Mangawa died in 1891 and was succeeded by Dongturong. The Bachama became agitated over the activities of the Hausa middlemen in their trade relations with the Company. In 1891 they attacked and destroyed the steel hulk in protest. The company, in reprisal, burnt down Numan the same year.
Bachama territory was visited by Lt. Mizon in 1891. During his second visit in 1893, he claimed to have signed a treaty with the Bachama. The same year the Bachama attacked a Company boat but were repelled in 1896 the company singed fresh treaties with the Bachama and Demsa granting them annual subsidies of 15 and 10 pounds respectively.
In the same year, Hewby engaged the village head of Mbula to be purveyor of wood to the company. This was the start of the relations between the Mbula and Royal Niger Company. Boima was the first Mbula to come to Numan and visit the representatives of the Royal Niger Company. He brought gifts and in return was given bags of salt and requested to collect as much wood as he could. This was carried out with precision; he collected a dump of wood from all Mbula villages. This pleased the representatives of the Niger Company that he gave Boima a flag and a letter and appointed him Chief of the Mbula. He became “Mai Takarda”. This title was retained in addition to that of Murum or Chief. Two years later (1896) Boima died and Safan, Boima’s understudy, was appointed chief. In 1904, Mr. Barclay, Resident, conferred the position of Headman on Safan. Consequenctly, the Mbula, who previously had loosely followed Nzodumso, Chief of Bachama, became a separate ethnic group. This new development led to the creation of the Mbula District. In 1906 Safan died and his brother Lina succeeded him. Lina was deposed and Usumanu, Boima’s son, was appointed.13
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